Wellman b, gulia. Net Surfers Don't Ride Alone: Virtual Communities as Communities. In Wellman,., ed, networks in the Global Village. Boulder, co: Westview Press. Communication researchers and sociologists did not really begin studying the Internet until 1978, when Hiltz and Turoff wrote the book, the network nation. The network nation: Human Communication via computer.
Literature review structure sociology m-do
18) illustrates the manner in which the overlying environmental characteristics of cmc derive from the four primary physical characteristics that Smith identifies. In brief, the fact that cmc is aspatial (participants are not copresent, or face to face asynchronous (communication cannot be simultaneous acorporal (participants are not subject to the threat of bodily force and has a low bandwidth (very little information can be transferred, leading. Smith (1992) further demonstrates that, despite these defining and somewhat limiting characteristics, virtual essay communities nonetheless produce and exchange goods, develop monitoring and sanctioning systems, create gathering places, and experience success and failure just as conventional communities. Voices from the well: The logic of the virtual Commons. Unpublished Master's thesis, University of California, los Angeles. In his popular book, being Digital, nicholas Negroponte observes that the digital parliamentary revolution has removed many of the limitations of geography. "Digital living he says, "will include less and less dependence upon being in a specific place at a specific time, and the transmission of place itself will start to become possible." Howard Rheingold acknowledges this possibility, but the virtual community, as he sees it, actually. Most of the stories he tells. The virtual Community involve people who live and work in the san Francisco bay area. New York: Afred.
Ludlow addresses the issue of whether you can really call someone a 'neighbor' if you can't see her face or hear her voice (Ludlow, 1996:xv). He questions the idea of 'the virtual community.' he also asks that if we give our allegiances to virtual communities, are we abandoning our geographic communities in business a sort of 'urban flight'? Ludlow also asks to what extent should other communities, and the legal system itself, acknowledge and respect virtual communities? High noon on the Electronic Frontier: Conceptual Issues in Cyberspace. Cambridge, massachusetts: mit press. Smith (1992) developed a model illustrating the defining characteristics of virtual communities. This model (Smith, 1992,.
Jones is unclear about what he means by the decentering of place, but obviously, the Internet removes the emphasis on place found in a traditional Gemeinschaft-type community. Jones suggests that the actual role of computer-mediated communication as community still has presentation plan not been fully settled. Cybersociety: Computer-mediated Communication and Community. Thousand oaks, ca: Sage. Ludlow (1996) examines the social change brought about by the introduction of computer technology as it relates to the idea of community. He states that "with that change has come a sense of alienation and loss of community. Increasingly, though, it becomes possible to recreate that lost community in cyberspace, by forming communities of interest that are not bound by the accidents of geography." he continues by asking if they are really communities (Ludlow, 1996:xv).
This is similar to wellman's (1979) notion of the "Liberated Community." Jones cites two reasons for using social networks as a definition useful for the study of community over the Internet and other forms of cmc. First, jones argues that such a definition of community is based on social interaction, which creates communities. Second, this definition shifts the focus away from place. Jones argues that in studying cmc, it is necessary to put less emphasis on (but not eliminate completely) the consideration of bounded geographical territory (Jones, 1995:24). Jones goes on to discuss the literature related to pseudo-community and the decentering of place. Jones uses Beniger's definition of pseudo-community, a "reversal of a centuries old trend from organic community based on personal relationships, to impersonal associations integrated by mass means" (Beniger, 1987:369). Jones discussion takes us from the traditional communal relationships (Gemeinschaft) to highly impersonal associations (Gesellschaft moving from face-to-face dialogue as community to symbolic or indirect group relationships. Jones borrowed the notion of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft from the work of Ferdinand Tönnies.
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Jones (1995) suggests that the name third of these, community as institutionally distinct groups, makes the most sense in the context of cmc. Jones says that all three of these features appear in cmc. Jones goes on to argue that there is a need to conceptualize community as a complex of social relationships, which has not been sufficiently explored. He argues that cmc is socially produced space, in which spatiality is distinguished from physical space. Jones is saying that this is, in effect, a new kind of space that is not physical space, but instead is a kind of socially created space. Since cmc decenters place, it challenges the traditional framework as community being based on proximate geographic space. Jones addresses this issue when he states that "communities formed by cmc have been called 'virtual communities' and defined as incontrovertibly social spaces in which people still meet face-to-face, but under new definitions of both 'meet' and 'face (Jones, 1995:19).
Therefore, for Jones, community is predicated on the common beliefs, interests, knowledge, and information apart from physical space. Community consists of social networks and social interaction. Community is no longer a "where.". Jones reviews such early work as Licklider and taylor who discuss what interactive communities on-line would not be: communities with the same geographical area. These communities would be people with common interests and goals. This view of community differs from the traditional view of community sociology as that of "locality-based plan action" which emphasizes geographic area. Jones (1995:24) uses Bender's (1978) definition of community, which views communities as social networks, not as places.
The virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. Oldenburg (1989) argues that online communities may fill a need that has been all but abandoned in modern societies, where the closeness and social bonding of the gemeinschaft has been replaced by the emotional disconnect of the gesellschaft. According to Oldenburg, an individual moves about through three basic environments: where he works, where he lives, and the place where he joins with others for conviviality. The latter environment, the place of 'idle talk and banter with acquaintances and friends is often where the sense of membership in a 'community' is achieved and experienced. Cafes, barbershops, and pubs once provided this environment, but in the age of shopping malls, drive-in fast food, shrinking public space, and residential 'cocooning this need for conviviality is left unfulfilled.
Modernity, oldenburg argues, has established a culture in which the home and the workplace remain as the only two interactive spheres of existence. It should not be surprising then that millions of people throughout the world turn to the Internet to recreate and reestablish the third sphere of conviviality. The Great good Place: Cafes, coffee shops, community centers, beauty parlors, general Stores, bars, hangouts, and How They get you through the day. (New York: Paragon house, 1989). Jones (1995 like rheingold and Oldenburg, shares the view that newsgroups, bulletin boards, and other forms of computer-mediated communication have sprung out of the need to re-create this sense of community, that participants join and become involved with the express purpose of reestablishing a social. Critical to the rhetoric surrounding the information highway is the promise of a renewed sense of community and, in many instances, new types and formations of community. Computer-mediated communication, it seems, will do, by way of electronic pathways, what cement roads were unable to do: namely, connect us rather than atomize us, put as at the controls of a 'vehicle' and yet not detach us from the rest of the world. In reviewing community literature as it relates to the Internet, Steven Jones, (1995) uses Effrat's notion of community, which has three principal components: (1) community as solidarity institutions; (2) community as primary interaction; and (3) community as institutionally distinct groups.
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Despite his concerns about commercialization and government intervention, Rheingold is skeptical of the sort of technological utopianism that paper characterizes many online enthusiasts. The notion that new technologies can cure our social and political ills "is a kind of millennial, even messianic, hope, apparently ever-latent in the breasts of the citizenry he observes. The power of electronic democracy, and computer networking in particular, is that it can radically decentralize political communication and reinvigorate the public sphere. But "the net that is a marvelous lateral network can also be used as a kind of invisible yet inescapable cage he adds, subject to the whims of "malevolent political leaders" or "the owners of television networks, newspaper syndicates, and publishing conglomerates." In conclusion,. Rheingold claims that his "sense of place" within his well virtual community is strong, partly because it serves as what Oldenburg (1991) refers to as the last of the three essential places in people's lives: the place they live, the place they work, and the. These third places, Oldenburg argues, are where community is built and sustained. The well is this place for Rheingold: he likens his well community to a neighborhood salon or coffee shop where he visits friends for conversation, whether idle chat or spirited debate about philosophical or political issues; for gathering information on subjects ranging from child care. This ability to network, gain knowledge, or find communion within cyberspace is, according to Rheingold (1994 the social glue that binds formerly isolated individuals into a community.
Rheingold postulates that community in cyberspace has burgeoned in part due to a public lament over the disappearance of informal public spaces in our real existence and in part due to the pioneering spirit paper of "Netsurfers" who are attracted to virtual community by means. "The virtual Community" examines the social and political ramifications of computer networking which, in Rheingold's view, is having a profound affect on the nature of democratic discourse. He suggests that computer-based communication has introduced a new form of human social life called "virtual communities" - groups of people linked by their participation in computer networks. People in virtual communities share many of the characteristics of people in ordinary communities, Rheingold says, yet they have no face-to-face contact, are not bound by the constraints of time or place, and use computers to communicate with one another. After tracing the history of what he calls "the net" - the web of "loosely interconnected computer networks that link people around the world into public discussions" - rheingold explores some of the many possibilities of virtual communities, from electronic mail to global bulletin boards. He then examines how the net operates overseas, particularly in Japan and France where new computer technologies have been met with greater political resistance than in the United States. He also looks at the widening circles of cyberspace, which he refers to as the "electronic frontier particularly the innovative methods network pioneers and online activists have used to counter the growing pressures of corporate control and government regulation.
calculated rationality, personal interest, and indifference to traditions. With the rise of industrialization, tönnies saw a shift from Gemeinschaft to one based on Gesellschaft. His work has led many to study what community is and the factors needed for a community to exist within a social system. Tönnies' work also caused thinkers like hawthorne, emerson, and Thoreau to illustrate the domination of the individual spirit by industrialism, which they saw as an unchecked danger, causing confusion, desperation and an alienation of spirit that can separate humans from their essence, their activities, objects. Is there any reason to hope for a better world as we move into the 21st Century? Can virtual communities help to heal the human spirit and offer the development of a new kind of community that heralds individual input and a revival of some of the basic tenants of humanitarian living? This review of the literature for virtual communities is meant to offer an overview of some of the key work done in the area and to give some idea of the ethical dimensions, gender issues, psychological ramifications, communication patterns, and social repercussions that form. General Works, in "The virtual Community rheingold (1993) defines virtual communities as "social aggregations that emerge from the Internet when enough people carry on those public discussions long enough, with sufficient human feeling, to form webs of personal relationships in cyberspace" (p.
People came together for the exchange of ideas and the knowledge that decisions could be made and carried out. The rise of virtual communities may cause a revival of some of the important contributions that can be made by an individual. Just as Marx stood in the forefront of sociological thought and influenced all those who came after him, so too, howard Rheingold stands at the forefront of the field of study into virtual communities since his very successful book, the virtual Community was published. The book and. Rheingold's subsequent writings on the phenomena of community within a technological realm has spurned a substantial amount of research and commentary in the field, raising questions year such as what does community really mean and what are its basic underlying tenants? Is it possible for true social relationships to be forged by people who meet on the Internet? And can we call an electronic coming together a community in a sociological sense? Ferdinand Tönnies, a nineteenth century german sociologist, was one of the first to write about the concept of community and its particular characteristics.
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Virtual Community literature review - rheingold, muds, moos, asynchronous interaction, turkle, dibbell. Introduction, the rise of virtual communities, whereby people around the world can communicate in a "many-to-many" fashion, has blurred the role of place, and our vision of what community is in an historical sense. Virtual communities may even offer possibilities for gps electronic democracy, reminiscent of the days of the Greek agora when more than a handful of people had a say in the way the state was run. The days of Periclean Democracy were in some ways, a golden time for individuality, with their emphasis on expression of ideals and the expectation that all citizens would participate in debating the affairs of the state. The perpetuation of their liberty and heritage were communal properties in fifth century. Those were the days of Socrates' conversations in the agora and philosophers teaching in outdoor pavilions: individual input was expected and personal contact between people was a requirement. The activity which Ancient Romans looked forward to each day was the trip to the baths, for conservation and company. This is where the affairs of government and business were discussed.